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Iohannis: Avem o mare problemă numită Rusia pe flancul estic al NATO

Iohannis: Avem o mare problemă numită Rusia pe flancul estic al NATO

Președintele Klaus Iohannis a declarat vineri la Varșovia că ”pe flancul estic al NATO avem o mare problemă, numită Rusia, și suntem determinați să continuăm așa cum NATO o face deja de câțiva ani. Am decis să ținem deschise canalele de comunicare, dar pe de altă, parte avem o puternică prezență militară și o postură de descurajare”.

Iohannis a făcut declarațiile în capitala Poloniei, în cadrul conferinței „The Bucharest Nine before the 2018 NATO Summit in Brussels”, un eveniment organizat în marja summitului Formatul București 9, care reunește șefii de stat și de guvern din statele est și central europene.

Iohannis a prezentat poziția celor nouă state semnatare ale unei declarații comune, care cere aliaților NATO întărirea flancului estic al alianței.

Președintele a vorbit și despre necesitatea ca toți membrii NATO să respecte angajamentul asumat de a cheltui 2% din PIB pentru apărare și securitate, o țintă atinsă de doar 6 aliați în acest moment, printre care și România.

DOCUMENT: Declarația comună a celor nouă șefi de stat din flancul estic al NATO, adoptată vineri la Varșovia:

We, the Presidents of the Republic of Bulgaria, the Republic of Estonia, Hungary, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lithuania, the Republic of Poland, Romania, the Slovak Republic and the President of the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, gathered in Warsaw in the Bucharest 9, platform for consultation and dialogue, to reaffirm our commitment to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, share views on a wide range of challenges and threats to the Euro-Atlantic area, and emphasize our resolve to address them together with our Allies and Partners.

Reaffirming that NATO remains the cornerstone of our security and collective defence, and that our countries stand firm in solidarity, committed to developing our cooperation to better address all security concerns and contribute to the Alliance’s tasks;

Confident that the upcoming NATO Summit will mark further strengthening of the Alliance, most notably its deterrence and defence posture, by reconfirming the strong commitment and resolve to effectively deter and defend against current and emerging security threats and challenges as well as to project stability beyond Alliance borders, in the spirit of the 360 degrees approach, including by increasing Alliance’s readiness and responsiveness;

Welcoming the increased engagement of our Allies in the region, as a sign of solidarity and strong commitment to our security, and in this context underlining the United States and Canada’s enhanced military presence in Europe, which reconfirms the strength of the Transatlantic bond;

Noting with deep concern that Russia’s continued multifaceted, destabilising actions and policies beyond NATO borders as well as on the Alliance territory, together with its continuous build-up of offensive capabilities for both conventional and hybrid warfare, and its aggressive behaviour, threaten our long-standing vision of a Europe whole, free and at peace, fundamentally challenge the Alliance and damage the Euro-Atlantic security;

Deploring the fact that progress towards solving the conflicts in our neighborhood  remains stalled as the illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea, destabilization of eastern Ukraine and challenge to the territorial integrity of Georgia and the Republic of Moldova continue;

Being also very concerned by the complex threats and challenges stemming from the Southern neighborhood, ranging from conventional warfare, terrorism, massive flows of migrants, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery;

Reaffirming our commitment to NATO’s Open Door Policy;

We have agreed that:

  1. We remain fully committed to implementing all the initiatives developed as part of NATO’s forward presence on the Eastern flank, as well as the measures adopted so far with the aim of strengthening Allied deterrence and ability to defend collectively all NATO members on land, in the air, at sea, and in the cyber space. We welcome progress made so far in implementing the forward presence from the Baltic to the Black Sea and we are ready to strengthen the efforts to ensure that it is up to the task and fully enabled across all domains, through Allied contributions, exercises, planning and command arrangements.
  2. The 2018 NATO Summit should further strengthen the Alliance’s unity and, in the spirit of 360 degrees approach, deliver a comprehensive response to the current security challenges, including against the hybrid threats the Allies are confronted with. In order to ensure coherence across Allied efforts and further improve the Alliance’s overall readiness, we need to build on pivotal decisions made in Wales and Warsaw. Due attention should be given to ensuring a coherent and integrated approach to the defence of the Eastern flank, underpinned by an effective and region-focused NATO Command Structure, reinforced maritime posture, strong air defence and a viable reinforcement strategy. Therefore, increasing readiness and responsiveness of NATO forces and military mobility across of Alliance’s territory is essential for deterrence and defence on the NATO Eastern flank. We remain committed to further progress in this direction.
  3. To reinforce NATO’s overall capabilities, we will continue investing in our own security. We are determined to ensure that our countries continue to spend or – respectively – move towards the goal of spending 2% of the GDP on defence, as decided at the NATO 2014 Summit in Wales. We will continue to invest in modern capabilities and contribute to NATO’s operations and missions.
  4. We remain firm on our commitment to project stability beyond Alliance territory to counter complex threats and challenges ranging from conventional and hybrid warfare, terrorism, mass migration and WMD proliferation. Developing defence capacities of our partners and their resilience in facing current threats and challenges remains a priority in the Alliance neighborhood. We support the need for a more strategic, focused and coherent NATO approach to the South, including improving Alliance ability to anticipate crisis, and expect further decisions in this respect at the upcoming NATO summit. We will continue to support and further intensify our common fight against terrorism, which poses direct threat to our populations, including through our contributions to the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, as well as through our participation in NATO’s operations, missions and activities, the Resolute Support Mission and the planned NATO training mission in Iraq being at the forefront.
  5. NATO’s approach to Russia based on enhanced deterrence and defence posture, and openness to political dialogue, as decided at the Warsaw Summit, continues to be our policy and the way forward. The desired results of the dialogue with Russia will be achieved when Moscow returns to fully respecting international law and its international obligations and NATO deterrence and defence is strong.
  6. NATO’s successful Open Door Policy effectively contributes to strengthening peace, good governance, security and stability in Europe and beyond. We encourage those partners who aspire to join the Alliance to continue to implement the necessary reforms and decisions to prepare for membership, including fully complying with their commitments and obligations. We will continue to support them and expect that the upcoming NATO Summit will decide on the next steps towards this goal, judging each on its merits. NATO’s partnerships are essential to increase our partners’ resilience, help them advance reforms and support their European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. We will continue to make best use of them in assisting Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and  Ukraine as well as the Western Balkan countries in pursuing their respective aspirations.
  7. We remain committed to the further implementation of all agreed areas of cooperation between NATO and the EU in line with the Warsaw Joint Declaration. We consider it necessary to highlight the achievements and underscore the priority areas of cooperation in a new and result-oriented NATO-EU Joint Declaration. Priority areas of NATO-EU cooperation include but are not limited to: military mobility and improving infrastructure, countering hybrid threats, enhancing resilience in partner countries from the Western Balkans and the Eastern neighborhood, cyber security and strategic communications. Special attention should be given to military mobility, building upon the EU Action Plan. The future of EU Security and Defence Policy lies on inclusiveness, non-duplication, close coordination and synergy with NATO. Therefore, we actively contribute to shaping PESCO by participating in concrete projects to fill identified capability gaps.

We reiterate our commitment to continue meeting in the Bucharest 9, platform for consultation and dialogue, as a means to promote joint approaches and to further contribute to Euro-Atlantic security.

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4 comentarii

  1. Eu super clear compliment si Ariel. Doamne Ajuta Sa cada bomba atomica pe Bucuresti!

  2. Vreau să reamintesc o faptă ușor de dovedit: Germania și Franța colaborează cu Rusia (Nordstream 2).

  3. Domnule Presedinte, avem o mare problema numita Dragnea …si ameninta democratia si viitorul nostru al tuturor …ce aveti de gand sa faceti? Puteti lasa diplomatia deoparte si sa jucati ca un adevarat politician, dur si fara scrupule cu acest borfas.

  4. Aparent presedintele Iohannis promoveaza un discurs „asimetric” si daunator pentru securitatea Romaniei – „the Russia-gate”. El preia numeroase clisee mediatice fara o documentare solida istorico-politica. De ce? „Problema numita Rusia” pare sa fie o falsa problema.

    Se doreste pace in lume?

    Iata cateva argumente impotriva discursului iohanis-ian:
    1/ SUA are peste 700 baze militare in lume in peste 70 tari (https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/06/us-military-bases-around-the-world-119321 si https://www.quora.com/What-is-the-number-of-US-military-bases-around-the-world).
    Numeroase actiuni „acoperite” au avut loc, prin intermediul CIA, incepand cu 1945 si pana in prezent. Bugetul militar SUA este in jur de 700 miliarde dolari in 2018.
    Harper-Bolton-Pompeo (printe altii) par sa conduca SUA spre razboi cu Iran. Sa speram ca intalnirea de maine intre Trump si Kim – „the little rocket man” va fi binevenita pentru lume.
    Complexul militar industrial american face legea. Numeroase actiuni militare si de informatii („intel”) sunt privatizate, contractate („outsourced”). Exista o serie de contractori care lucreaza pentru DOD, CIA, FBI, etc. (http://people.defensenews.com/top-100/ si http://www.businessinsider.com/the-top-9-biggest-defense-contractors-in-america-2016-5).
    In plus, SUA are cea mai mare cota de cheluieli militare din lume, cca 35% (locul 1) fata de Rusia, cca 3.8% (locul 4): https://www.sipri.org/sites/default/files/2018-05/sipri_fs_1805_milex_2017.pdf

    2/ NATO a fost infiintat dupa razboi drept contrapondere impotriva URSS. A disparut gigantul stalinist insa NATO a ramas. Ca sa apere ce si de cine??? Toata propaganda mediatica este indreptata impotriva Rusiei, Iran, China, Corea de nord. Din ratiuni geopolitice si de profit.

    3/ Romania, ca si in perioada interbelica este la mijloc, in prezent intre SUA & vest vs. Rusia. Fara o armata solida, infrastructura si logistica, tara noastra a devenit o potentiala victima „colaterala”. Ne laudam cu Deveselu, Cincu, Kogalniceanu, etc. Atat. La cati generali si ofiteri superiori de mucava are tara! La cate pensii speciale exista!

    4/ Personaje precum Iohannis intretin un discurs aparent fara nici o baza solida, artificial preluat de la”aliatii” nostri. Nu exista prieteni ci numai interese nationale, aceasta-i esenta relatiilor internationale, respectivul miezul dur.

    In situatia geopolitica post-comunista fiecare tara isi promoveaza interesele. Este ceea ce Bismarck a numit „realpolitik”. SUA si le cunoaste foarte bine si le promoveaza prin intermediul pionilor-aliati ai sai.

    Insa Romania? Care sunt interesele Romaniei vis-a-vis de Rusia? In afara de recuperarea tezarurului?

    Presedintele Iohannis, alaturi de alte curente mediatice, aparent impinge tara noastra spre o situatie „marginala” cu Rusia, adica „no way out”. De ce? De ce el nu promoveaza un discurs al pacii??? Un win-win? O „detente” in zona noastra? Cam ceea ce a facut Reagan-Gorbaciov in anii 80.

    5/ Rusia colaboareaza foarte bine, cel putin, bilateral cu diverse tari europene (Germania) si asiatice (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) si BRICS. Romania se agata cu disperare de vest. E si normal, bineinteles. Dupa sute de ani de iobagie levantina si sovietica. Traim tot in umbra stalinista bantuiti de fantomele slave.

    Kiss the hand that feeds you!

    Inca din secolul XIX nobilii romani isi trimiteau odraslele la studiu in Franta, Germania. Dupa cum spunea si istoricul american Hitchins, romanii au adoptat moda occidentala insa cu metehne levantine. Ceea ce se vede si astazi.

    Iohannis intretine discursul „inamicului estic” preluat din occident (si s-a vazut si in saptamana ulterioara alegerii lui Putin cand nici un canal mediatic nu a relatat obiectiv, echidistant „alegerea” lui Putin, cu bune si rele – insa americanii au facut-o). In SUA exista o polemica dura pro si anti-Rusia.

    Insa presedintele nostru uita ca tara in interior este macinata si putred de corupta in aparatul ei de stat si guvern? Si incepem cu cei peste 500 de parlamentari (ajunsese si la 580), o mare parte potentiali penali. SUA si Canada au mai putin ca noi (parlamentari/congressmen).

    Aceste realitati Iohannis le trece sub tacere. De ce? „Lip service extern” aliatilor nostri? Ceea ce anglofonii numesc „bandwagonning”?

    Discursul iohannisian reprezinta o distragere a atentiei publice de la saracia lucie a romanului de rand, mediocritatea politicii romanesti dar si”CORUPTOCRATIA din Romania”

    5/ La summitul din Charlevoix, Quebec din week-endul trecut, „Marii 7” (deci fara Rusia desi Trump a indemnat ca Rusia sa fie acceptata din nou) aparent nu s-au prea inteles, in afara de obisnuita perdea de zambete, glume, politeturi mediatice (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VSiC2pxYqgI&feature=youtu.be si https://eclinik.files.wordpress.com/2018/06/g7-crumbles.jpg?w=768&h=43). Atitudinea „je m’en fiche-ista” trumpiana spune multe. Pe de alta parte, Rusia si cei din SEC se vor intalni curand.

    China vine puternic din urma cu diverse initiative solide si de lunga durata, cum ar fi proiectul „Belt and Road” (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Belt_One_Road_Initiative) de care nu prea s-a vorbit in mass media din Romania. De ce? Suntem sinofobi?

    6/ Romania este intretinuta artificial pe directia anti-Rusia. Insa atat politicienii sau politicianistii nostri, cat si analistii, expertii si MSM nu par sa ia in considerare realitatea geopolitica in care se afla tara astazi.

    De ce?

    PS – atat Rusia cat si SUA isi joaca cartile si isi muta piesele pe tabla de sah mondiala. Nici una (!) nu este „cheie de biserica” si ambele recurg la o serie de strategii si tactici pe plan politic, militar, intel, etc.

    Insa Romania, saracuta, incearca sa-si faca capital geopolitic prin orice mijloace.

    Romania nu este o putere regionala precum Germania. Insa ar putea sa-si joace cartea promovand o realitate win-win. Insa nu o face. De ce? Tara nu pare sa aiba politicieni de calibru!

    Pana si in SUA exista dezbaterii virulente anti si pro-Putin/Rusia, despre „Deep State”, conflictele intra-White House, interferenta Rusiei in alegerile din 2016, atacul armat asupra Siriei, etc. In Romania nu exista asa ceva. Suntem „uni” sau „mono” in abordarile de politica externa.

    Romania s-a dorit a fi partenera intr-un parteneriat „ever closing” cu SUA. Insa politicienii nostri nu au invatat sa comunice constructiv si din perspectiva interesului national. Ci numai submisiv!

    Mr. President Iohannis, do your homework and get assertive! Verstehen Sie?