The three political blunders that marred the start of Prime Minister Ciolacu’s tenure
Marcel Ciolacu, as prime minister, accumulated three political-diplomatic blunders in just five weeks. These blunders included the abrupt rejection of Germany’s military request, the legitimization of Viktor Orban, and a confrontation with the Army in the Ghencea Stadium scandal. While the „Ghencea affair” weakened the strong image Ciolacu attempted to build as a premier, the first two blunders raised questions about his approach to foreign policy decision-making.
The first misstep of the PSD leader occurred on the international stage. On July 4th, during a joint press conference with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Ciolacu expressed his desire for German soldiers in Romania. This unexpected statement surprised everyone, as Romania already had American troops and a NATO battle group led by France on its soil. Moreover, no other state institution specializing in foreign or defense policy – such as Cotroceni, CSAT, MAE, or the Ministry of Defense – had recently brought up this issue.
Germany’s response was swift and categorical. A spokesperson for the Federal Ministry of Defense stated that Germany was not obligated to send a Bundeswehr brigade to Romania, as they already maintained military cooperation with Lithuania within NATO, while France cooperated with Romania in the NATO battle group. Germany’s refusal came while Ciolacu was still in Berlin, as part of an official visit.
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All evidence pointed to Ciolacu’s request being an impromptu and unacceptable diplomatic blunder at such a high level. Matters of security should not be publicly announced before being resolved through official channels. Moreover, a high-ranking official should not put their counterpart in a position to respond to a surprising proposal that was entirely new and not part of the discussion agenda. Foreign and security policy improvisations indicate a lack of seriousness.
Chronologically, the second failure of the prime minister was related to the Ghencea Stadium. He requested the Minister of Defense to order that the Ghencea Stadium, owned by the Army Sports Club „Steaua” and built with public funds, be made available for rent to anyone who requested it, including FCSB, a club owned by Becali. The sports stakes were significant – hosting the FCSB-Dinamo match at Ghencea – and the political stakes were equally high: Ciolacu wanted to demonstrate his control over the vertical of power within the government.
However, the request of the prime minister was ignored by the Army Sports Club, which refused to rent the stadium due to concerns about maintaining the turf, even though the Romanian Football Federation had been able to rent it in the past. Ciolacu’s reaction was to order a control body to investigate „Steaua.”
The surprise came when, after being challenged by the Army, Ciolacu ostentatiously attended the FCSB – Dinamo match on Saturday, held at a different stadium. At this moment, the prime minister took a clear position in the „Steaua” – FCSB dispute, raising questions about the objectivity of the investigation conducted by the control body.
Politically, Ciolacu suffered a blow: he appeared as a leader whom subordinate institutions did not heed.
The third failure occurred during Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s visit to Bucharest. Despite evidence that Orban is a Trojan horse for Russia and an isolated leader who sells Hungarian citizens the illusion of border redrawings, Ciolacu held an informal meeting with him in Bucharest.
In the official post-meeting statement, Ciolacu brought up Budapest’s „support” for Romania’s entry into the Schengen area and diplomatically expressed the desire for Orban to refrain from making anti-EU and pro-Russia remarks: „During the meeting, Prime Minister Ciolacu emphasized the importance of conveying messages of support for solidarity and unity within the European Union, as well as the EU and NATO’s support for Ukraine in the context of Russia’s military aggression.”
The problem arose when Orban, as expected, did not adhere to any agreement with Ciolacu, if there was one. The Hungarian Prime Minister took a clear revisionist stance, attempted a small blackmail regarding Schengen, and provided details about a note from the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs concerning sensitive issues.
Ciolacu legitimized an undesirable political actor and granted him political weight on the Schengen issue. This led Orban to claim that Hungary could play a decisive role in Romania’s accession to the Schengen area next year when Budapest holds the EU’s rotating presidency. However, Orban’s argument is contradicted by reality.
Firstly, Hungary simply no longer has a voice in the EU, making it difficult to believe that it could change the vetoes of Austria and the Netherlands (in Bulgaria’s case). Secondly, putting Romania’s Schengen accession on the agenda during Hungary’s rotating presidency would not be an act of generosity but an obvious political obligation, given the over one million ethnic Hungarians in Romania. Orban simply could not afford not to raise the issue on the EU’s agenda in the second half of 2024; otherwise, he would become a pariah for the ethnic Hungarian community in Romania.
Regarding Orban’s revisionism, things are clear. Dan Tăpălagă explained why Orban’s actions in Tușnad were politically unacceptable and why a rapid and firm response is needed. Just as the Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala reacted quickly and firmly, not letting Orban’s nonsense about „sovereignists” and „federalists” go unanswered.
As quick as Ciolacu was to welcome Orban in Bucharest, he is now strangely silent after Orban stated from the heart of Romania that „we have never claimed that Transylvania and Szeklerland are Romanian territories.”
Ciolacu’s lack of reaction to Orban’s slip either indicates a lack of understanding of the moment or a hidden restraint that remains unknown. In either case, it reflects poorly and shows a political leader hesitant to engage in significant political stakes.
Undoubtedly, Ciolacu’s honeymoon with the position of prime minister has been marked by these blunders, and this is happening in a politically calm period when people’s attention is focused on vacations, trips, and with few economic worries. However, real problems will arise in the autumn. It is then that the fiscal measures package, likely including tax increases or the elimination of certain benefits, will come into effect. It remains to be seen how the market will react and what effects it will have on the economy.
If Ciolacu’s blunders continue at the current rate, the risk of a derailing mandate increases exponentially.
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