Against all odds, Nicușor Dan becomes Romania’s fifth president: how he won and what awaits him

President Nicușor Dan, 55, officially begins his term at the Cotroceni Palace today. He entered the race as a second- or even third-tier candidate, clawed his way forward step by step during the campaign, barely made it into the second round, and ultimately triumphed—by a large margin—against the anti-European candidate George Simion (leader of the far-right AUR party).

A near-miraculous victory.

But how can Nicușor Dan’s success be explained? What major challenges await him in office? What lies ahead for Romania’s new president, the fifth since the fall of communism in 1989, following Ion Iliescu, Emil Constantinescu, Traian Băsescu, and Klaus Iohannis?

Nicușor Dan’s victory is, above all, his own achievement. He owes nothing to anyone. A case study worthy of political science textbooks—a self-made political success story. A lone wolf who timed his moves with the precision of an academic olympiad winner.

That’s how he became mayor of Bucharest—by capitalizing on the lack of credible political alternatives from the major parties. And that’s how he sprinted into the path to Cotroceni, seizing on the catastrophic offerings from a political class completely out of steam.

His first big opportunity? The mediocrity represented by Marcel Ciolacu (Social Democrat Party leader and former PM), Nicolae Ciucă (former PM and army general), Crin Antonescu (former PNL leader), and Klaus Iohannis (Romania’s outgoing president). They were all seen as symbols of mediocrity, imposture, and misguided politics.

His second big chance came from Călin Georgescu , George Simion , and AUR party who threatened to derail Romania’s pro-Western trajectory.

The third major opportunity was the strategic miscalculation by both the United States and Russia. These two great powers, acting separately, each undermined Romania’s interests—both attempting to pivot the country away from the European Union.

Unlike the politicians named above, Nicușor Dan has stood for something and fought for the public interest—whether as a civic activist or as mayor of Bucharest.

Even at the risk of blocking the city’s development, he stubbornly pursued his war against real estate sharks and illegal constructions, driven by an almost obsessive passion for Bucharest’s architectural heritage. You won’t easily find another traditional-party politician who fought so tenaciously, so selflessly, for an idea.

No one can tie him to corrupt political networks or the backroom gangs of Romanian politics. His image as an independent candidate was crucial in convincing voters to support someone completely detached from the bankrupt political establishment.

This ambitious mathematician always believed in his own chances and fought for them relentlessly. Like any true believer, he believed before all else. Having deep faith in one’s own destiny is the first requirement for success in politics.

Many voters supported Nicușor Dan despite not being fully convinced he was the ideal person for the presidency.

Many doubt he has the stature, political experience, or skill required of a head of state. And yet, they voted for him without hesitation. Nicușor Dan may have been a debatable choice—but there was no alternative. George Simion was the indisputable disaster. This time, Romanians didn’t vote for the lesser evil. They stopped the absolute one.

Any voter with a functional moral compass had no doubts: between an international math olympiad laureate and a stadium hooligan, between a calculated politician with sound rhetoric and a populist rabble-rouser with neo-fascist fantasies, the choice was clear.

Despite the confusion and manipulation spread on TikTok and social media, Romania ultimately proved deeply committed to Western values.

We made the right distinction between Europe and Russia, between Western-style liberalism and MAGA nationalism, between liberty and autocracy, between realism and mysticism, between Macron and Putin—if we’re to invoke Simion’s own rhetoric. This was a sign of democratic maturity. Romania resisted the propaganda assault of two great powers—the U.S. and Russia. That is no small feat.

Romania’s democratic system held firm. A few key institutions did what they had to—like the Constitutional Court annulling the first round of elections—even if it further eroded public trust in them and in the electoral process.

With few exceptions, the press, NGOs, and civil society—and their capacity to mobilize during moments of crisis—all played a critical role. These are democratic institutions built over 35 years since communism’s fall. And, somehow, they worked. They didn’t appear out of thin air. They are the result of our collective effort. We’ve finally taken our destiny into our own hands.

External support was just as vital: the letter from seven former U.S. ambassadors (both Republican and Democrat), the solidarity from EU countries and Brussels. In short, the realization that we are not alone anymore meant a great deal. The Hungarian minority also fought alongside the majority—an admirable act of mobilization to remain anchored in Europe.

All these reasons—and more than this article can cover—explain why Nicușor Dan won. He now faces the greatest challenge possible: restoring trust in democracy and its institutions.

Democracy in Romania has been given a second chance—but it won’t get a third if this president fails. The pressure on his shoulders is enormous.

That’s why the next government must look completely different than what we’ve seen so far: ministers appointed based on competence, not party loyalty; key positions filled based on meritocracy. In short, the pyramid must be flipped after decades of distorted values. It’s time for a generational change in politics and beyond. Too many worn-out figures have endlessly rotated through key roles. We need new, credible faces—professionals validated by their achievements—a breath of fresh air.

Restoring trust is the most critical challenge, next only to the economic one—which, by contrast, involves accounting decisions and near-mandatory budgetary moves. Tough reforms will quickly erode the president’s and new prime minister’s popularity—whoever that prime minister may be.

We already see a president actively involved in budget discussions. But he will need a loyal prime minister to implement his vision. Otherwise, conflict is inevitable. After all, the budget is the executive’s responsibility, not the president’s—who lacks constitutional authority in this area.

The bad news? Major reforms can’t happen without Parliament. The president and future government must quickly secure a solid, crisis-ready majority. Parliamentary math shows that only the Social Democratic Party (PSD) can realistically provide such a majority, no matter how many defectors join the new power bloc.

If the big party (PSD) doesn’t reform itself, if the old guard stays in control, it’s only a matter of time before Nicușor Dan and his government are cornered. PSD is responsible not only for joining the government but also for keeping Romania on the right path.

Without a guaranteed crisis-proof majority from the start, Nicușor Dan and his prime minister will face brutal attacks as early as next year—censure motions, impeachment attempts—all under pressure from the 5 million radicalized voters who supported George Simion.

They won’t go away. Together with the two other major losers—the U.S. and Russia, unlikely temporary allies—they’ll seek revenge.

In conclusion, Romania’s fifth president since 1989, Nicușor Dan, inherits a deeply divided country with a fragile economy, the highest budget deficit in the EU, long-delayed reforms postponed by endless elections, EU funds at risk of suspension, an unclear parliamentary majority, a war at the border, and an ongoing hybrid war inside the country. And he no longer knows whether he can count 100% on U.S. support as he once could.

It is not an enviable position. And yet, he must succeed. Otherwise, Romania will collapse.